By Matthew Parish

ISBN-10: 1845112768

ISBN-13: 9781845112769

Following the brutal wars which raged within the former Yugoslavia within the early Nineties, Bosnia and Herzegovina was once awkwardly partitioned into governing entities: the Federation of Bosnia and Herzegovina and Republika Srpska. yet there has been one a part of the rustic that could now not be geared up into both classification: the Breko District, a strategically serious land-bridge among the 2 elements of the Bosnian Serb territory. This zone was once the topic of a hugely strange scan: put less than a regime of the world over supervised govt, Breko grew to become a ""free city,"" evoking the reminiscence of Trieste or Danzig within the nineteenth century. What has this test in state-building printed concerning the background of this afflicted nook of the Balkans - and its destiny? What classes will be utilized to clash answer in different components of the realm? And was once the scan profitable or have the electorate of Breko suffered extra by the hands of the overseas group? A loose urban within the Balkans investigates the increase and fall of Breko and post-war Bosnia and investigates what classes will be discovered for overseas peacekeeping missions elsewhere.

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Additional info for A Free City in the Balkans: Reconstructing a Divided Society in Bosnia (International Library of War Studies)

Example text

States can be viable even when extremely small. Liechtenstein exists as an entirely feasible modern country with a distinctive national identity and a thriving economy, despite having a population of barely 30,000 and a capital city of 5,000 people. San Marino, Andorra and Monaco are of similar population size and are likewise economically sustainable. Montenegro, the last but one new state to have emerged from the demise of Yugoslavia, has proved itself quite credible as a small middle-income country with a population of fewer than 700,000.

These provisions are undesirable and unenforceable, and should be allowed to die quietly. The procedures provided for compensating refugees for lost property should be followed instead. Another contemporary advocate of partition (Lind 1995) made the following remarks in December 1995, just days after the Dayton Peace Agreement had been signed. If the US tries to provide the muscle for a powerless central government with a complicated multiethnic constitution and little legitimacy among rival populations…or to take sides with one group rather than another in an attempt at ‘nation-building’ by outsiders…the NATO effort in Bosnia is likely to end in failure and humiliation.

OHR found itself prone to a catalogue of negligent errors and incompetence that went unrectified due to its unaccountability. Moreover, the lack of legal or political accountability rendered the organisation prone to egregious abuses of power, and this book is replete with anecdotes and instances of wrongdoing by international officials. The explicit power of the organisation was such that it felt it could publicly declare that it was removing public officials without any right of review or due process, it could refer to secret and unchallengeable intelligence reports as the explanation for the decisions it took, it could impose legislation over the wishes of democratically elected parliaments without even giving those parliaments a chance first to consider the legislation, it could freeze the bank accounts of private individuals because it merely suspected them of abetting fugitives, and it could revoke the identity and travel documents of people it suspected of wrongdoing without an order of the court and without even alleging that they had committed a criminal offence.

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A Free City in the Balkans: Reconstructing a Divided Society in Bosnia (International Library of War Studies) by Matthew Parish

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